JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY MANIFESTO

We are the only ‘Reliable Opposition Party’ Defending People's Living Conditions and Peace

1

The House of Councilors election will be held soon. The Koizumi Cabinet has been replaced by Prime Minister ABE Shinzo's cabinet. People's living conditions, in particular hardships related to cutbacks in welfare services and the worsening employment situation, are getting more and more serious. The new Cabinet has been very reckless with its policies opposing peace and democracy. The JCP will call on the voters to stop the coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the Komei Party from continuing with policies that undermine people's living conditions and peace. “Poverty and social disparities" are found everywhere in our society, in which an increasing number of people have difficulty supporting their own lives even with a job. The fixed-rate tax cuts have been abolished. A substantial residential tax increase has been imposed. Medical and nursing-care insurance programs have been adversely reformed. The government's irresponsible mismanagement of the national pension system has left many pension records unidentified. These are problems that make many people feel uneasy about making plans for their future. In stark contrast, large corporations, the business sector, and a handful of wealthy people are enjoying the largest ever profits and gains in wealth that are even larger than those that they amassed in the bubble economy, boasting of an “economic boom that is even longer than the 57-month boom in the second half of the 1960s." The Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) is still demanding more corporate tax breaks and a further consumption tax increase. If the LDP-Komei government led by Prime Minister Abe continues to stay in power, every effort made by the working people to improve their living conditions could come to nothing. We cannot stand for the recklessness of the Abe Cabinet concerning the questions of peace and democracy. Prime Minister Abe has publicly pledged to have the Constitution revised during his tenure in office and made clear that he will put it forward as a major issue in the House of Councilors election. The recent Ordinary Session of the Diet enacted the bill to establish procedures for holding a referendum on constitutional revision in disregard of strong opposition. The Liberal Democratic Party and other parties are planning to have the Diet initiate in 2010 a process of revising the Constitution. The Abe Cabinet for now intends to change the government interpretation of the Constitution so as to enable Japan to use force in situations that have nothing to do with Japan's security. These moves are being prompted by the U.S. intention to drag Japan onto the path of war under its preemptive attack strategy on a global scale. Prime Minister Abe advocates that Japan should maintain the alliance bound by blood with the United States and openly states that the aim of the constitutional revision is to have Japan fight in wars abroad with the United States. To make matters worse, the forces that are neglectful of the people's well-being and are rushing to revise the Constitution are led by a group of supporters of the Yasukuni Shrine interpretation of history that describes Japan's past war of aggression as a “just war" and Japan before and during World War II as a “beautiful country" despite its aggression abroad and state of militarism within the country. In fact, Prime Minister Abe's statement that “military comfort women" were not coerced into having sex with Japanese soldiers and his making an offering to Yasukuni Shrine was taken as having the same meaning as his official worship at the shrine. Recently, it has been revealed that the Self-Defense Forces' intelligence security unit on a daily basis has been monitoring people's movements that are critical of the government and the SDF, in flagrant violation of the Constitution and its defense of basic human rights. Those forces that refuse to admit that Japan was wrong in carrying out the war of aggression are now seeking to establish a Constitution that will enable Japan to fight wars abroad again. If the military apparatus that keeps the public under surveillance is recognized as a constitutional military force reigning over the people, it will mean a revival of militarism under which Japan will become a country terrified by people worldwide as well as the Japanese themselves. The Komei Party is the Abe government's coalition partner helping to neglect the well-being of the people and carry out reckless policies. Eight years have passed since the Komei Party joined with the Liberal Democratic Party in a coalition government in 1999. During this period, the Japanese people have been forced to pay an extra 13 trillion yen in taxes. A typical family of four will be asked to pay an extra 400 thousand yen a year. This includes a massive tax increase due to the abolition of the fixed-rate tax cuts, a measure that was enthusiastically called for by the Komei Party. The tax increase now has repercussions for the whole country. A newspaper correctly likened the Komei Party to “war criminals". In the adverse revision of the Fundamental Law of Education and the enactment of the law to establish procedures for constitutional amendments, the Komei Party's role was indispensable. It was behind the bill to upgrade the Defense Agency to a ministry and the bill to adversely revise the Fundamental Law of Education in exchange for the passage of “improvement in the allowance for dependent children," which it touts as its own achievement. A national newspaper editorial at the time described the trade as irrelevant, citing Komei's use of party politics. However, the Komei Party proclaims itself to be the “party for welfare" or the “party for peace". It has deceived the public into accepting adverse government policies by falsely depicting them as good policies. Pretending to put brakes on reckless LDP government policies, the Komei Party is in fact helping to accelerate them. This represents the Komei Party's reactionary raison d'etre. What is more, the Komei Party has for years been brazen about its relationship with Soka Gakkai as one that represents the “unity of politics and religion." Soka Gakkai came under fire in 1970 when it tried to suppress the freedom of speech and the press by interfering with publication of a critical book about Soka Gakkai. Following this incident, IKEDA Daisaku, Soka Gakkai president at the time, said he “deeply regretted" it and this was taken as his promise that Soka Gakkai would practice the “separation of religion and politics." But in its review of the March-April simultaneous local election campaign, Soka Gakkai has not only praised the election of all Komei Party candidates as its victory, it has gone as far as to threaten Komei members of local assemblies by saying that they must not forget that they were elected thanks to Soka Gakkai's efforts. The pro-Yasukuni forces who refuse to show remorse over the past Japanese war of aggression and the Komei Party and Soka Gakkai forming a unity of politics and religion to assist in the promotion of undemocratic policies make up the worst form of alliance promoting adverse policies.

2 Another key issue in the upcoming House of Councilors election is choosing a party capable of leading an effective offensive against the LDP-Komei government led by Prime Minister Abe. The present focus of media attention is on the “two major parties," indicating that a confrontation between the LDP and the DPJ is what the coming election is all about. The Democratic Party is trying hard to stage its “confrontation" with the LDP. However, the policy line that has been followed by the DPJ is indistinguishable from the LDP line. In dealing with economic issues, it has been an advocate of “structural reforms." It supported easing regulations under the labor laws. It supported adverse revision of the nursing care insurance law. It called for cutbacks in public assistance to dependent children of mother-child families as well as tax breaks for large corporations. The DPJ supported legislation to upgrade the Defense Agency to a ministry and to establish a provision to make overseas dispatches of Self-Defense Forces a permanent SDF function. The enacted law to establish procedures for amending the Constitution was precisely what the DPJ had been calling for. The DPJ is the same as the LDP in taking the position that the Japan-U.S. military alliance should be maintained and even strengthened. It has also kept in step with the LDP in its call for the Constitution to be revised. Its view on the question of “exercising the right of collective self-defense" is no different from the LDP's. The DPJ includes many politicians who are pro-Yasukuni Shrine, who insist that “military comfort women were non-existent," and who affirm and even praise Japan's past war of aggression. The fact that the DPJ shares the LDP position is clear from its relationship with the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren). In drafting its policies, the DPJ holds discussion with Nippon Keidanren to have its policy proposals assessed and receives donations in accordance with the assessment. The DPJ is unable to understand the real needs of the people and it competes with the ruling parties for the most undemocratic policies. 3 In the election, we will emphasize that increasing the number of seats of the most reliable opposition party, the JCP, is the surest way to stop the LDP-Komei government of Prime Minister Abe from continuing the reckless policies that disregard the needs of the people and destroy peace and democracy. We will secure JCP seats to stop the LDP-Komei government of Prime Minister Abe. JCP seats in the Diet are the surest way to stop the LDP-Komei government under Prime Minister Abe from continuing to run wild, contrary to the people's interests. The root cause of growing poverty and social disparities is the policy serving the interests of large corporations. Unless this policy is corrected, the general public will not become free of anxieties about their living conditions. The Japanese government's zeal for fighting wars abroad arises from its subservience to the United States that makes Japan bound by its military alliance with the United States. The pro-Yasukuni Shrine forces, which justify the past Japanese war of aggression and colonial rule, are promoting this dangerous move, which can be thwarted only by increasing the number of JCP seats in the Diet because the JCP is the only party that has been consistent in advocating peace, democracy and people's sovereignty since the prewar days. JCP seats in the Diet are essential for putting up opposition to the adverse policies promoted jointly by the ruling LDP-Komei coalition and the opposition DPJ In 2006, the Defense Agency was upgraded to a ministry, and the Self-Defense Forces' overseas missions were also upgraded to a permanent main task. The LDP, Komei, and DPJ bulldozed these legislative measures through the Diet. In this year's Ordinary Session of the Diet, the law to establish procedures for revising the Constitution (the national referendum law) was enacted. The ruling parties and the opposition DPJ together promoted the bill. The bill that was enacted was “almost in line with the DPJ proposal" as former DPJ President MAEHARA Seiji stated. The DPJ also joined together with the ruling parties for the labor law reform aimed at deregulating the labor market. In order to effectively fight against the adverse political aims of the LDP and the DPJ, we need to secure JCP seats in the Diet. The JCP uses its strength in the Diet in cooperation with grassroots movements to influence national politics by putting forward the demands of the people. With its 9 seats in the House of Councilors and 9 seats in the House of Representatives, the JCP has been instrumental in influencing national politics in cooperation with popular movements at the grassroots level. It has succeeded in forcing companies to pay 85.2 billion yen in back pay for forced overtime work without pay. This was made possible because the JCP, in cooperation with movements at places of work, repeatedly brought up the issue in the Diet. As a result, the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare issued the directive urging employers to end the use of forced overtime work without pay. We also took up workers' suffering from exploitation using “contract labor" in disguise, and won their direct employment. JCP seats in the Diet are essential for eliminating irregularities and corruption, and for defending parliamentary democracy. There is a wide gulf between Nagatacho politicians and the general public in the perception of “politics and money". This being what the Japanese political world is all about, the Japanese Communist Party has firmly stood for a “clear political stance." Since last year, the JCP has uncovered various money-related suspicions of corruption hanging over various politicians. The JCP has been calling for donations by companies and other organizations to politicians to be banned in order to eradicate the major source of political corruption. The JCP has refused to accept the government subsidy to political parties because it is a practice of distributing tax money among parties that do not work for the public interest. JCP seats will enable the Japanese people to share the wish for peace with other peoples. Since 1999, the JCP has carried out an independent diplomacy as an opposition party, putting emphasis on developing exchanges and dialogues with governments of other Asian countries. The JCP Program states, the JCP will “attach importance to promoting friendship and exchanges with Asian countries on the premise that Japan expresses remorse for its war of aggression and colonization in the past." It also states that the JCP will “exert efforts to establish peaceful coexistence among countries with different social systems and establish dialogue as well as relations of coexistence among various civilizations with different values." This JCP position has been hailed and supported by Islamic countries as well as other Asian countries. The JCP's position is not one of remaining satisfied with the status-quo as an opposition party forever. Only by increasing the number of seats of the “reliable opposition party" in the Diet can we pave the way for establishing a real democratic government. The JCP has a far-reaching plan, the “Proposal for Remaking Japan," that will put an end to the political, economic, social ,and diplomatic distortions facing our country. The plan puts forward the following three main objectives: (1) Break away from policies that serve the interests of large corporations and financial circles, switch the way tax money is used and collected to one of defending people's living conditions, and establish regulations for defending the people's living conditions and civil rights. (2) Abrogate the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, a military alliance treaty, to put an end to policies of subservience to the United States so Japan can truly contribute to friendship and peace with the rest of Asia and the World. (3) Defend all provisions of the Constitution, and have provisions on peace, human rights and democracy implemented fully as the country's political and social foundation The JCP has a vision and policy for moving away from LDP politics. This is why the JCP is capable of firmly standing for the defense of people's interests in opposition to LDP politics and the continuation of LDP politics. This year marks the 85th anniversary of the founding of the Japanese Communist Party. The JCP has stood firmly for peace and people's sovereignty without succumbing to any coercion. It has maintained a clean political posture. It has been practicing sovereign independence repelling all forms of foreign pressure. The JCP is always present to resolve people's hardships. This is the principled position of the JCP since its founding. Only a JCP advance can stop the misgovernment and provide a people-first policy in lieu of LDP politics. We ask everyone to lend a hand to the JCP to achieve a major advance in the upcoming election.

click here for JapaneseCommunist Party website

Communist Party of Israel

The change we desire:

The communist party arose as a force for profound social change. That change is more essential now to counter capitalism than ever before. Modern capitalism at the beginning of the 3rd millenium is a regime characterized by essential contradictions, absence of social justice, destruction of the world's ecology, and governance by the power of wealth. The arch representative of modern capitalism is American imperialism. Now, more than ever before in the past, the choice offered humanity is socialism or capitalism that becomes progressively more and more brutal.The change we desire requires a party with a well defined platform and a profound obligation to its values. It must be a party that offers a totally new politics. Our new politics is the common interest rather than the politics of functionaries whose object is personal careers and advancement. The Communist party proffers communal obligation, communal responsibility, modesty, and self-criticism.We have not always correctly understood the path to change. We must learn from past errors. During the 20th century there were days when also Communists strayed into error. From cases as these, too, we must learn. We must continue to analyze these instances. Communism has erred in the past. These errors must be analyzed and the lessons we learn from them must be brought to bear on our future conduct. But under no circumstances should past failures lead us to conclude that the endeavor to change is unnecessary, or that it should be replaced with instant politics, that is to say, with politics that pursue only the immediately attainable--now, at this moment. From our perspective, every political and social act that we introduce and are involved in is a stratum laid in the socialist revolution.In this country, the Communists were the only ones, who proposed a true Jewish-Arab politics to replace the paths of separate Jewish and Arab political roads. As with our forefathers, our struggle against nationalism continues. We still regard the essential division as not between Jews and Arabs, but between those who have an interest in the exploitation of social classes and those who want to change such policy.The communists play a major role in the construction of the political, cultural, and social life of the Arab population in Israel. Long exposure to the party led the Arab population to trust it. The party had the courage to speak the truth, even though unpopular. The party, which continued the struggle even during the most difficult periods even during times of despair, offered Arabs hope and possibility for change.A historic goal of the party was to achieve a break through amongst the Jewish population. For many years our Jewish members were alone and swimming against the current. But in the past few years, there are increasing calls, even amongst the Jews, for peace, social equality, and environmental justice. Increasing numbers of people are demanding real social change and believe it is necessary. We must reach these people. We need these people to strengthen the power of the revolutionary move towards socialism.We hold out our hands to all willing to join us even a part of the way, and propose a joint venture on the basis of a minimal platform. Such a program led to the establishment of The Democratic Front for Peace and Equality (Hadash) in 1977. Unfortunately, we have to admit that despite our efforts, we failed to form the Jewish-Arab left united front, so necessary in the Israeli arena. But we are unwilling to give up. We will do everything to realize a broad Arab-Jewish front having a promising platform that will enable these two peoples to escape from the present crisis, and to find the road to peace and equality.The past years have been difficult. The daily political struggles in which we have found ourselves have obscured our long range goals. Pressing political matters have diverted us from intellectual analysis, ideological goals, and ideological education. This lapse has led to organizational weakness and to the emergence of various problems in the life of our party.These difficulties notwithstanding, we don't intend to concede defeat. Instead, we intend to turn our 24th congress into an engine for change and to engage in a renewed building of the Communist Party as a party of true revolution: a party that unites courageous analysis with daily class, social, and political struggle; a party that unites true democratic dialogue with operational discipline that obligates each member; a party whose members are true partners; a party that has true collective leadership.As ever, our road is not an easy one. But it is the right road. It is the road that proposes a new future. It is the road that proposes meaningful action for the common interest.Everybody who agrees with the above principles should join us in our endeavors to reach our goals.

New Political Conditions - New Political Responses

Our recognition, that we are working under new political conditions, influences all our acts. President Bush's programmatic speech on June 25, 2002 on the Middle East stipulates these new conditions. Bush the son publicly plans a military attack on Iraq. Ten years ago his father led a similar attack. But there is a major difference between father and son. Bush the father had to pay a price in order to form a Middle East Alliance: he had to assemble the Madrid conference. The son, in contrast, links the plan to attack Iraq with a call to eliminate Arafat. In other words, Bush calls for the burial of all agreements achieved to date with the Palestinians. It is important to note that Bush's speech received some support from European states. In addition to British and German support, the new French foreign minister's enthusiastic support of the practical ideas in Bush's speech is noteworthy (actually there is only one practical idea in his speech, mentioned above.What underlies the difference between the policies of Bush the father and Bush the son? In 1992 the American administration used the collapse of the Soviet Union to form a coalition for the war against Iraq, but still felt obliged to pay a political price in the form of the Madrid conference. Ten years later, the American administration is the sole super power, and therefore believes that it can plan an attack without having to form a coalition and without paying any political price. Instead it sees as sufficient the pretense to create a coalition by declarations without investing any real effort in so doing.This new balance of power, more apparent than ever since the terrorist attack in the USA on September 11, 2001, has major political implications.It's important to remind ourselves that politics is always conducted in a defined area of power relationships. Politics that ignore power relationships is blind. Wise political thinking identifies cracks in power relationships and internal contradictions so as to advance towards desired goals. Aims are achieved only by widening the realm of the possible.Our politics must not be dictated by daily events that lead from one catastrophe to another. We cannot afford to stand on the sidelines merely condemning events. Our duty is to form an active political initiative, capable of exploiting every crack to advance our goals, a political initiative able to concentrate maximum force in order to achieve a positive change in existing conditions. To hope for external deliverance to solve our problems is naive. No foreign intervention can free us from our historical obligation.In the present dismal conditions, it is not given to fully realize the vision of the just and stable peace that we stand for. This does not mean that we should abandon our desire for the just and stable peace that would allow both our peoples to enjoy security and economic prosperity. The vision of a just peace must guide us to formulate political goals that can be achieved under present conditions. Our immediate objective must be to extricate ourselves from the present political crisis, which can lead to the catastrophic attempt to transfer the Arab population from here and to a war of mutual destruction. It is therefore our duty to mark out for ourselves and for the public a practical way to stop this dangerous deterioration and to start on the road of positive change.The internal political arena has witnessed the occurrence of a dangerous process. Within of the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the extreme Right has grown in power and is pushing the left into a corner. To confront this development, it is important to understand it thoroughly. The considerable swing to the right of the political scene does not indicate a reduction in popular support for two states for two peoples. On the contrary. Opinion polls consistently indicate, that a majority of Israelis (including voters for Likud) approve dismantling settlements and having a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. The major problem is that after the failure of Camp David, Prime Minister Barak and Foreign Minister Ben Ami succeeded, via a cooperative media, to convince a large majority of Israelis, that this solution is impossible, because the Palestinians are not yet ready for it. The majority of the population thus concluded that there is no option but the military one. This is the source of the contradiction, that while Israelis support the establishment of a Palestinian state and dismantling settlements, they at the same time support the Sharon policy of renewed conquest, occupation, and cruel oppression.From this perspective, the suicide bombers represent a policy of national suicide by those Palestinians who support it. It is national suicide because it hurts the innocent while further strengthening the enemies of peace in Israel and eroding the standing of the dovish forces. This is national suicide with respect to the existing power relationships, especially in the world that proceeded Sept. 11, 2001.Despair is growing in both the Palestinian and Jewish populations. Despair is a sure recipe for dangerous politics. To counter this requires broad political support. To solidify broad political support for change requires a solution that offers hope, a solution that points a way out of this crisis and a totally new direction. It is not easy to formulate a politics of hope during a time of despair. But if we don't take the initiative, no one else will.

The PCI Peace Plan

ICP views achieving just and stable Israeli-Palestinian peace as a vital part of the party program.1. The Peace agreements will be based on the withdrawal of all Israeli troops from all the territories occupied since the aggressive war in June 1967, and on the right of the State of Israel, of the Palestinian state and of all the Arab states to maintain sovereignty and to development in conditions of peace and security, will be respected.2. The Arab Palestinian people will implement its right for self-determination and West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East-Arab Jerusalem.3. A just solution for the problem of the Palestinian refugees will be guaranteed, in accordance with the UN resolutions (which recognize their right to choose between returning to their homeland and receiving compensation), in the framework of the Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations.4. The annexation of East Jerusalem, which is occupied by Israel, will be annulled. East Jerusalem will be under the sovereignty of the independent Palestinian state. West Jerusalem will be recognized as the capital of the state of Israel. East Jerusalem will be recognized as the capital of the independent Palestinian state, in accordance with the will of each nation in their state. In the framework of the peace settlement there is room for agreed arrangements concerning the entire city of Jerusalem that will guarantee cooperation between the two parts of the city, etc.5. A peace settlement will necessitate the dismantling of all settlements in the Occupied Territories.6. In the framework of the peace treaty with Syria, the Golan Heights will be returned to Syria.7. Israel will withdraw from every piece of territory of Lebanon (including Shabba).8. The peace arrangements will be entrenched in agreements between the states, which will constitute legal basis for coexistence between them and for non-intervention of one state in the internal affairs of another state. All of the parties will annul all claims of a state of war and will respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states in the region, including the State of Israel and the independent Palestinian state, and their right to live within recognized and secure borders, free from threats and from use of force.9. .Disarming the region of all nuclear weapons and all types of mass destruction weapons - chemical and biological. Israel will join the International Convention for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.In light of the years-long sediment of wars and mistrust, UN guarantees for the agreements would be beneficial.The PCI estimates that the Sharon-Peres government with its aspiration toward the chronic administering of the occupation tactics in the territories and the Bush administration with its desire to attack Iraq along with the support of the reactionary Arab countries will hamper any advance in the peace talks.The CPI considers it imperative to stop the curfew, the demolition of houses, the uprooting of trees, the murder of leaders and the encroachment of IDF troops in the territories. Jews and Arabs should not be able to sit passively by while schools and clinics are being closed down by Israeli order in the occupied territories.

see more

Chavez Address to the United Nations

Representatives of the governments of the world, good morning to all of you. First of all, I would like to invite you, very respectfully, to those who have not read this book, to read it. Noam Chomsky, one of the most prestigious American and world intellectuals, Noam Chomsky, and this is one of his most recent books, 'Hegemony or Survival: The Imperialist Strategy of the United States.'" [Holds up book, waves it in front of General Assembly.] "It's an excellent book to help us understand what has been happening in the world throughout the 20th century, and what's happening now, and the greatest threat looming over our planet. The hegemonic pretensions of the American empire are placing at risk the very survival of the human species. We continue to warn you about this danger and we appeal to the people of the United States and the world to halt this threat, which is like a sword hanging over our heads. I had considered reading from this book, but, for the sake of time," [flips through the pages, which are numerous] "I will just leave it as a recommendation. It reads easily, it is a very good book, I'm sure Madame [President] you are familiar with it. It appears in English, in Russian, in Arabic, in German. I think that the first people who should read this book are our brothers and sisters in the United States, because their threat is right in their own house. The devil is right at home. The devil, the devil himself, is right in the house. "And the devil came here yesterday. Yesterday the devil came here. Right here." [crosses himself] "And it smells of sulfur still today. Yesterday, ladies and gentlemen, from this rostrum, the president of the United States, the gentleman to whom I refer as the devil, came here, talking as if he owned the world. Truly. As the owner of the world. I think we could call a psychiatrist to analyze yesterday's statement made by the president of the United States. As the spokesman of imperialism, he came to share his nostrums, to try to preserve the current pattern of domination, exploitation and pillage of the peoples of the world. An Alfred Hitchcock movie could use it as a scenario. I would even propose a title: "The Devil's Recipe." As Chomsky says here, clearly and in depth, the American empire is doing all it can to consolidate its system of domination. And we cannot allow them to do that. We cannot allow world dictatorship to be consolidated. The world parent's statement -- cynical, hypocritical, full of this imperial hypocrisy from the need they have to control everything. They say they want to impose a democratic model. But that's their democratic model. It's the false democracy of elites, and, I would say, a very original democracy that's imposed by weapons and bombs and firing weapons. What a strange democracy. Aristotle might not recognize it or others who are at the root of democracy. What type of democracy do you impose with marines and bombs? The president of the United States, yesterday, said to us, right here, in this room, and I'm quoting, "Anywhere you look, you hear extremists telling you can escape from poverty and recover your dignity through violence, terror and martyrdom." Wherever he looks, he sees extremists. And you, my brother -- he looks at your color, and he says, oh, there's an extremist. Evo Morales, the worthy president of Bolivia, looks like an extremist to him. The imperialists see extremists everywhere. It's not that we are extremists. It's that the world is waking up. It's waking up all over. And people are standing up. I have the feeling, dear world dictator, that you are going to live the rest of your days as a nightmare because the rest of us are standing up, all those who are rising up against American imperialism, who are shouting for equality, for respect, for the sovereignty of nations. Yes, you can call us extremists, but we are rising up against the empire, against the model of domination. The president then -- and this he said himself, he said: "I have come to speak directly to the populations in the Middle East, to tell them that my country wants peace." That's true. If we walk in the streets of the Bronx, if we walk around New York, Washington, San Diego, in any city, San Antonio, San Francisco, and we ask individuals, the citizens of the United States, what does this country want? Does it want peace? They'll say yes. But the government doesn't want peace. The government of the United States doesn't want peace. It wants to exploit its system of exploitation, of pillage, of hegemony through war. It wants peace. But what's happening in Iraq? What happened in Lebanon? In Palestine? What's happening? What's happened over the last 100 years in Latin America and in the world? And now threatening Venezuela -- new threats against Venezuela, against Iran? He spoke to the people of Lebanon. Many of you, he said, have seen how your homes and communities were caught in the crossfire. How cynical can you get? What a capacity to lie shamefacedly. The bombs in Beirut with millimetric precision? This is crossfire? He's thinking of a western, when people would shoot from the hip and somebody would be caught in the crossfire. This is imperialist, fascist, assassin, genocidal, the empire and Israel firing on the people of Palestine and Lebanon. That is what happened. And now we hear, "We're suffering because we see homes destroyed.' The president of the United States came to talk to the peoples -- to the peoples of the world. He came to say -- I brought some documents with me, because this morning I was reading some statements, and I see that he talked to the people of Afghanistan, the people of Lebanon, the people of Iran. And he addressed all these peoples directly. And you can wonder, just as the president of the United States addresses those peoples of the world, what would those peoples of the world tell him if they were given the floor? What would they have to say? And I think I have some inkling of what the peoples of the south, the oppressed people think. They would say, "Yankee imperialist, go home." I think that is what those people would say if they were given the microphone and if they could speak with one voice to the American imperialists. And that is why, Madam President, my colleagues, my friends, last year we came here to this same hall as we have been doing for the past eight years, and we said something that has now been confirmed -- fully, fully confirmed. I don't think anybody in this room could defend the system. Let's accept -- let's be honest. The U.N. system, born after the Second World War, collapsed. It's worthless. Oh, yes, it's good to bring us together once a year, see each other, make statements and prepare all kinds of long documents, and listen to good speeches, like Abel's yesterday, or President Mullah's . Yes, it's good for that. And there are a lot of speeches, and we've heard lots from the president of Sri Lanka, for instance, and the president of Chile. But we, the assembly, have been turned into a merely deliberative organ. We have no power, no power to make any impact on the terrible situation in the world. And that is why Venezuela once again proposes, here, today, 20 September, that we re-establish the United Nations. Last year, Madam, we made four modest proposals that we felt to be crucially important. We have to assume the responsibility our heads of state, our ambassadors, our representatives, and we have to discuss it. The first is expansion, and Mullah talked about this yesterday right here. The Security Council, both as it has permanent and non-permanent categories, (inaudible) developing countries and LDCs must be given access as new permanent members. That's step one. Second, effective methods to address and resolve world conflicts, transparent decisions. Point three, the immediate suppression -- and that is something everyone's calling for -- of the anti-democratic mechanism known as the veto, the veto on decisions of the Security Council. Let me give you a recent example. The immoral veto of the United States allowed the Israelis, with impunity, to destroy Lebanon. Right in front of all of us as we stood there watching, a resolution in the council was prevented. Fourthly, we have to strengthen, as we've always said, the role and the powers of the secretary general of the United Nations. Yesterday, the secretary general practically gave us his speech of farewell. And he recognized that over the last 10 years, things have just gotten more complicated; hunger, poverty, violence, human rights violations have just worsened. That is the tremendous consequence of the collapse of the United Nations system and American hegemonistic pretensions. Madam, Venezuela a few years ago decided to wage this battle within the United Nations by recognizing the United Nations, as members of it that we are, and lending it our voice, our thinking. Our voice is an independent voice to represent the dignity and the search for peace and the reformulation of the international system; to denounce persecution and aggression of hegemonistic forces on the planet. This is how Venezuela has presented itself. Bolivar's home has sought a nonpermanent seat on the Security Council. Let's see. Well, there's been an open attack by the U.S. government, an immoral attack, to try and prevent Venezuela from being freely elected to a post in the Security Council. The imperium is afraid of truth, is afraid of independent voices. It calls us extremists, but they are the extremists. And I would like to thank all the countries that have kindly announced their support for Venezuela, even though the ballot is a secret one and there's no need to announce things. But since the imperium has attacked, openly, they strengthened the convictions of many countries. And their support strengthens us. Mercosur, as a bloc, has expressed its support, our brothers in Mercosur. Venezuela, with Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, is a full member of Mercosur. And many other Latin American countries, CARICOM, Bolivia have expressed their support for Venezuela. The Arab League, the full Arab League has voiced its support. And I am immensely grateful to the Arab world, to our Arab brothers, our Caribbean brothers, the African Union. Almost all of Africa has expressed its support for Venezuela and countries such as Russia or China and many others. I thank you all warmly on behalf of Venezuela, on behalf of our people, and on behalf of the truth, because Venezuela, with a seat on the Security Council, will be expressing not only Venezuela's thoughts, but it will also be the voice of all the peoples of the world, and we will defend dignity and truth. Over and above all of this, Madam President, I think there are reasons to be optimistic. A poet would have said "helplessly optimistic," because over and above the wars and the bombs and the aggressive and the preventive war and the destruction of entire peoples, one can see that a new era is dawning. As Silvio Rodriguez says, the era is giving birth to a heart. There are alternative ways of thinking. There are young people who think differently. And this has already been seen within the space of a mere decade. It was shown that the end of history was a totally false assumption, and the same was shown about Pax Americana and the establishment of the capitalist neo-liberal world. It has been shown, this system, to generate mere poverty. Who believes in it now? What we now have to do is define the future of the world. Dawn is breaking out all over. You can see it in Africa and Europe and Latin America and Oceanea. I want to emphasize that optimistic vision. We have to strengthen ourselves, our will to do battle, our awareness. We have to build a new and better world. Venezuela joins that struggle, and that's why we are threatened. The U.S. has already planned, financed and set in motion a coup in Venezuela, and it continues to support coup attempts in Venezuela and elsewhere. President Michelle Bachelet reminded us just a moment ago of the horrendous assassination of the former foreign minister, Orlando Letelier. And I would just add one thing: Those who perpetrated this crime are free. And that other event where an American citizen also died were American themselves. They were CIA killers, terrorists. And we must recall in this room that in just a few days there will be another anniversary. Thirty years will have passed from this other horrendous terrorist attack on the Cuban plane, where 73 innocents died, a Cubana de Aviacion airliner. And where is the biggest terrorist of this continent who took the responsibility for blowing up the plane? He spent a few years in jail in Venezuela. Thanks to CIA and then government officials, he was allowed to escape, and he lives here in this country, protected by the government. And he was convicted. He has confessed to his crime. But the U.S. government has double standards. It protects terrorism when it wants to. And this is to say that Venezuela is fully committed to combating terrorism and violence. And we are one of the people who are fighting for peace. Luis Posada Carriles is the name of that terrorist who is protected here. And other tremendously corrupt people who escaped from Venezuela are also living here under protection: a group that bombed various embassies, that assassinated people during the coup. They kidnapped me and they were going to kill me, but I think God reached down and our people came out into the streets and the army was too, and so I'm here today. But these people who led that coup are here today in this country protected by the American government. And I accuse the American government of protecting terrorists and of having a completely cynical discourse. We mentioned Cuba. Yes, we were just there a few days ago. We just came from there happily. And there you see another era born. The Summit of the 15, the Summit of the Nonaligned, adopted a historic resolution. This is the outcome document. Don't worry, I'm not going to read it. But you have a whole set of resolutions here that were adopted after open debate in a transparent matter -- more than 50 heads of state. Havana was the capital of the south for a few weeks, and we have now launched, once again, the group of the nonaligned with new momentum. And if there is anything I could ask all of you here, my companions, my brothers and sisters, it is to please lend your good will to lend momentum to the Nonaligned Movement for the birth of the new era, to prevent hegemony and prevent further advances of imperialism. And as you know, Fidel Castro is the president of the nonaligned for the next three years, and we can trust him to lead the charge very efficiently. Unfortunately they thought, "Oh, Fidel was going to die." But they're going to be disappointed because he didn't. And he's not only alive, he's back in his green fatigues, and he's now presiding the nonaligned. So, my dear colleagues, Madam President, a new, strong movement has been born, a movement of the south. We are men and women of the south. With this document, with these ideas, with these criticisms, I'm now closing my file. I'm taking the book with me. And, don't forget, I'm recommending it very warmly and very humbly to all of you. We want ideas to save our planet, to save the planet from the imperialist threat. And hopefully in this very century, in not too long a time, we will see this, we will see this new era, and for our children and our grandchildren a world of peace based on the fundamental principles of the United Nations, but a renewed United Nations. And maybe we have to change location. Maybe we have to put the United Nations somewhere else; maybe a city of the south. We've proposed Venezuela. You know that my personal doctor had to stay in the plane. The chief of security had to be left in a locked plane. Neither of these gentlemen was allowed to arrive and attend the U.N. meeting. This is another abuse and another abuse of power on the part of the Devil. It smells of sulfur here, but God is with us and I embrace you all. May God bless us all. Good day to you.

INTERVIEW WITH JYOTI BASU

Q. The West Bengal Left Front government, led by the CPI(M), has completed 30 years of its life. In a democratic structure, it is unparalleled and historic. How could you achieve this? BASU: Let me tell you that there was a time when we thought no Left government would be allowed to continue for any long time, what to say of 30 years, as the real powers in our kind of parliamentary democracy rest with the centre where the bourgeois-landlord parties have been in command. In 1957, the first communist government was formed in Kerela and late Comrade E M S Namboodiripad was its chief minister. But it was dismissed within two years and a half. We also had a similar experience in our state. In the late sixties and early seventies, a storm of struggles raged across West Bengal under the leadership of the CPI(M). The movement for food, students’ movement, refugees’ movement, workers’ movement, teachers’ movement --- such struggles one after another created a new scenario in West Bengal. It was thus that the first United Front government was installed in the state in the year 1967. But it was allowed to continue only for nine months. Later, the second United Front government came into power in 1969 and was allowed to continue for 13 months only. On both occasions, the people of West Bengal saw the role of our Party when, for the sake of breaking the Congress monopoly of power in the interest of a democratic advance, we left the chief minister’s post for the Bangla Congress even though we were the largest Party in the assembly. We emerged still stronger in 1971 but were not allowed to form a government. And then, in the name of an election, a mockery was staged in 1972 when the elections were blatantly rigged. It was a black period for parliamentary democracy in the country. The Congress formed a government through this rigging, while on our part we decided to boycott the assembly and did so for full five years as a mark of our protest. From 1972 onwards, the struggle for democratic rights and freedoms of the people had to be continued in a difficult situation --- when the Congress government instituted a semi-fascist terror regime in the state. More than 1,100 of our cadres were killed by the police-goonda nexus, hundreds of our offices were forcibly occupied and the families of more than 20,000 of our supporters had to leave their houses and live elsewhere, mostly outside the state. Our struggle for democratic rights in such a situation will remain unforgettable in the annals of West Bengal history. However, what we were facing since March 1972, the people of the whole country had to face three years later. Freedoms and rights granted to the common citizens were snatched under the Emergency imposed on June 26, 1975. Yet this was nothing new for us of the older generations that had to suffer a lot of repression in the past. Our Party was declared illegal during the British period, till mid-1942, and again after independence, in 1948. Most of our leaders were put behind bars in 1948, and we regained the legal status only before the first general elections in 1952. But the people had seen that we never surrendered to the class enemy even in face of such repression. We faced torture in jail but never comprised with the ruling classes. This is our legacy. That’s why the people of West Bengal respected us and had had confidence in us. That’s why, 29 years after the first Left Front government was formed, it got a three-fourth majority in the last election. There were, on occasions, all kinds of rumours and slanderous allegations against us. Even the Election Commission was carried away by the slander campaign that we had rigged the preceding five assembly elections. But the people of West Bengal took it as an insult to their judgement and gave the slanderers a fitting reply. Q. So many pro-people programmes have been implemented in the period since the installation of the first Left Front government in 1977. What were the main priority sectors and major achievements? BASU: After we came into office, we gave serious thought to the implementation of our commitments made in the 36-point programme in 1977. When we won the election in 1977, a huge crowd gathered to greet us in front of the Writers Building. I told them that we would not remain confined to the Writers Building; rather we would stand by the workers, employees and peasants, with all sections of the common people. We laid emphasis over a radical land reforms programme, and more than 13 lakh acres of land have been distributed among the poor and landless people. In our state, about 83 percent of agricultural land is in the possession of the poor and marginalised peasants. This programme is still continuing and the present, seventh Left Front government has also distributed land among the poor people even though some problems because of court cases remain. We also laid emphasis on agricultural development, on decentralisation of power through the three-tier panchayat system and municipalities, on ensuring one-third reservations for women in the panchayati raj system, and on grant of voting right on the age of 18 years in municipal and panchayat bodies. Agricultural production has increased. We have also prioritised the micro and small-scale industries. Interests of the poor people, agricultural labourers and sharecroppers are very much protected here. What is the reason? It is because the Left Front came to office through a series of mass struggles. The Left Front is not an electoral front alone; people have seen our role in defence of their interests. In a parliamentary democracy, we have created history. I believe by heart that we have by and large fulfilled what had we committed at the time of installation of the first Left Front government in 1977. We have fulfilled about 90 percent of our programme, though there is no denying that some drawbacks still remain. We had a commitment of providing electricity to every village but it is not yet complete though I have been informed that it will be done by 2012; the seventh Left Front government is determined about it. This is our distinguishing feature --- that from the people we never hide anything, even our negative points. We ask our Party comrades to listen to the criticism made against us. If there is anything positive that can be done, then it has to be done; if not, then the people should be told so directly. This is our way of functioning. This is so despite the fact that in many cases the central government is responsible for the lapses; it is they who often created barriers in the way of our developmental programmes in order to tarnish our image. Q. It is said that West Bengal has been facing discriminations. Please elaborate this point. BASU: You see, from quite early on, we have been facing various conspiracies, so many discriminations. We have a lot of experience about it. Of them, two or three incidents I remember very well. Once there was an electronics project for the Salt Lake area and late Mrs Indira Gandhi promised us help in it. However, after keeping me waiting for one year, she said that her officers, who had been in the committee constituted to look into this matter, had unanimously suggested to her not to go ahead with that project. Their idea was that no investment should be made in West Bengal because it was a border state. Ridiculous! I asked them what the problem was. If it was a security related problem, then it would be more serious in the northeast, but she told me she couldn’t do anything, as her officials were not ready to give me permission. Later, without any help from the central government, we built up this electronics complex on 300 acres of land; now about 25,000 to 30,000 of youth are working there. Or take the case of Haldia petrochemicals complex, a project worth over Rs 5,000 crore, but I had to wait for 11 long years to get permission from the central government. Right now, more than 70,000 people are employed in the downstream industries. Q. How do you see the opposition’s role vis-à-vis the developmental programmes in West Bengal? BASU: Several times I have said that the role of opposition, whether big or small, is very important in a parliamentary democracy, but it must be a responsible opposition. Opposition parties have a right to criticise the government programmes if they think them wrong, but in a responsible manner. But when we implement a programme for the people, why can’t they extend us their cooperation? West Bengal is now the largest producer of rice and the second largest producer of potatoes in the country. Through our land reforms programme, we distributed land among the poor people. That programme is still continuing. Now in the interest of the unemployed youth our government is emphasising the industrialisation measures. This is the need of our state. There was a time when West Bengal held a prestigious position in respect of industries in the country. But due to a politically motivated licensing system and the policy of freight equalisation pursued by the successive Congress governments at the centre, the state had to suffer a lot and acute industrial stagnation set in. Now after the removal of these regulations and end of the discrimination, I say we also needed foreign investment for industrial growth. But I also say that it should be based on mutual interest while protecting the legitimate interests of our working people. However, the opposition in our state is out to create chaos over the Left Front government’s developmental programmes. Even when I was the chief minister, we had been appealing to the opposition for cooperation regarding the developmental programmes in our state. I also met the then prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, with an all-party delegation, though Ms Mamata Banerjee and Ajit Panja at that time declined to go along with us. Mamata said: we can’t go with you to Rajiv Gandhi. Whenever our government started a developmental programme for the state, they created problems. A few months ago, Trinamool legislators ransacked the assembly house, destroyed the costly furniture items and government assets. What is this? Is this any responsible attitude? What I am trying to say is that earlier we too were in the opposition but we always played a responsible, constructive role whenever a developmental issue was at the centre of concern. The people of Bengal have seen us as a responsible opposition; we never created a problem over the developmental programmes for our state or whenever the interest of our people was at stake. When the Congress chief minister Bidhan Chandra Roy took initiative for the Durgapur steel plant or Kalyani township, we supported that. Q. So, on the coming June 21, the Left Front government would complete 30 years of its life. As a veteran leader of our country’s communist movement, what would be your message? BASU: I am extremely happy that our government is now to enter its 31st year. It is historic in a parliamentary democracy. Now we need to run a campaign countrywide to popularise what we have done in West Bengal, Tripura and Kerela in this long period. People across the country have to know what type of alternative programmes we have implemented in these states. We have also to raise the question: Why couldn’t other states do what we have done within such severe constitutional limitations and the unfavourable socio-political structure? Though we are very strong in the three said states and have some influence in some other states also, our Party is not strong in the country as a whole. That’s why not only the Party organisation, we have to strengthen our mass organisations too. Without strengthening our mass organisations, we can’t build up a strong Party all over the country. I believe that within the present bourgeois-landlord structure, we have to take whatever little opportunity is available in this system. Our aim is to build up a classless, non-exploitative society, and we have to continue our fight for achieving this goal, though I don’t know how long it will take.

Chairman Com. Prachanda's Interview regarding his visit to Switzerland

---

Lenin had written the April thesis on the train journey. Have you also drawn any sketch of revolution during your long flight? In my case it is not exactly in the way you have said, however this time we reached the place in Switzerland where Lenin had stayed and organized a conference. That gave us a new feeling. From the idea that Lenin had set off to Moscow by the train in the underground way, we too definitely happened to think of a sketch of revolution, but there was no atmosphere to go to the extent of shaping up a thesis itself. What was the most memorable experience of your journey to Europe? There is an organization in Geneva known as democratic forum for control of armed force. I can never forget the kind of discussion that was held in its head quarters on restructuring the army and about the reformation of the armies of the world and their security mechanisms. What were the responses and reactions upon the idea that you stipulated there when the questions of restructuring the army of Nepal has arisen emphatically? In the general sense, we have found that their understanding was not out and away from the UNO's practice of DDR in various countries but when we put forward our ideas, we felt that they seemed to be convinced about the importance and seriousness of our projection. How did you try to make the foreigners understand that the Maoist came to politics from war? War and politics are the terms that are inter-related to each other. The main thing is that we have tried to make them understand about the process from war to the peaceful political revolution. We put forward about the Nepalese political situation and from that how the peaceful political transformation is possible. We feel that had a big impact through which we think we could make a big political interference. What did you feel about the outlook of European government and European people towards the Maoist movement Europe is positive towards the peace process. Europe doesn’t want that the peace process be disturbed. The neutral nations of Europe are more positive towards the Maoist movement. At the press conference in Switzerland, that I had done after 6 days, if Europe does not come forward then the peace process of Nepal can be disturbed at any time. That could be the great shock, because the superpowers do not want the peace here. Therefore if Europe comes forward, then it brings the positive impact. Does Europe come forward by passing America? I don’t think it can by pass America, but if Europe wished by its culture, tradition and thought that peace process of Nepal must succeed, then the initiation might move forward. You might have studied about the farmers in Switzerland? The farmers of Switzerland and Nepal can never be compared. There only 3% of people are engaged in agriculture. 97% of people are engaged in industry, service and trade. In fact those 3% do not want to be farmers, but the government forced them providing the attractive schemes. We went to the village of farmers too. There a person who has a cow gets 2000 francs per year. If a person has 20 cows, he gets 40000 francs per year. There is also the profit. We have asked the representatives of Swiss government that why farmers are given that much amount. They said that, if farmers are given money, they do not destroy the land. If it is seen from the eyes of Nepalese, they are not the farmers. Did you observe the hydro-power project too? It remained unforgettable about the hydro-power too. It was in Ganjil. While looking from outside, there appeared nothing but a hill only. But in a tunnel there are the power houses and buildings under it. The length of tunnel is 120 kilometers, but from outside nothing like that was visible. It looked some thing like miracle. Not only me, but the whole team felt the same. Is such construction possible in Nepal? Immediately it is not possible in Nepal. It costs a lot. The only thing is that we can gather courage and enthusiasm with the idea that every thing is possible. That type of technology is not necessary for us now, because we have many easy out- flowing rivers, why should we make such tunnels? Secondly, our hills are not as strongly fossilized as that. That was a very old rock. There is no fear of crumbling down, even when the tunnel is made. Our hills are delicate. The situation does not match with that of ours; the tunnel under our hill can be dangerous. Is the federal system of Switzerland useful to us too? Before 1848, many wars took place there. They passed through many incidents of killings, and finally they arrived to this system. They present constitution of theirs is the 1848 constitution. The basic form is the same in spite of some amendments. Generally there are three or four main languages and two religions. The federal system of Switzerland has been developed on the basis of language and religions. To consider this way, we have also said federal on the ground of language, culture and geography. In that sense there are many things to learn for us. But I don’t think that every system of Switzerland is applicable for Nepal. What are the things that we cannot apply here? They have asked us to negotiate in every thing. They do not think that it is good to go through the struggles. They think that even the class struggles can be led to the negotiation. We found that negotiationism there has caused a bit frustration to the intellectuals. Some of them even said that the federalism is a vain practice. There are several cantons. Some of them are much bigger, and some are much smaller too. Zurich, Berne, Geneva are quite big and the size of population too is big in those provinces and some are as small as to have two or four thousand people too. During the amendments of constitution, tens of lakhs of people casting their votes on one side and ten or fifteen thousand people on other side can be considered equal. 20% people on one side can control the majority of 70 or 80 percent on the other side. When the cantons control, it is said that there is the rule of minority, not of majority. But the logic was that if it had not been done, there would have been no peace. Some claim that negotiation brought peace; otherwise, no situation of peace would have come. Therefore, on the theoretical level I said that it was a kind of eclecticism working in Switzerland. They would go on the line of making negotiation keeping all dissimilarities and disharmonies aside. If such things did not prevail, Switzerland would not possibly exist. Switzerland lies between the big countries like France, Germany and Italy. Switzerland remained safe even when Mussolini ruled over Italy and Hitler ruled over Germany. The policy of negotiation saved it. In this sense, federalism and negotiating system favored it. But ultimately if you consider how scientific it is, it has gone along the line of negotiation and eclecticism. We too have to do agreements and understandings among the people of various languages and ethnic groups. Therefore, it can only be an important reference. I don’t mean that it can be applied here exactly as it is there. Does Switzerland have to learn any thing from the Maoist movement of Nepal? It’s not others to say but up to themselves about learning something from the Maoist movement of Nepal. But there also is a kind of understanding that the present political changes would not have been possible if the Maoist had not played the significant role and had not launched the revolution. In this sense, Nepalese people’s political consciousness has become influential. There also we found that the people’s movement has earned much respect. Did you have the discussions with professors and students there? We had discussion on federalism with the professors of Berne University and Pre Berne University. What type of curiosity did the professors there put to you? Everywhere there is positive curiosity. Wherever we went, there were friendly curiosities. The simple farmers seemed to have been touched by a kind of intimacy with the idea that Nepal’s geography is similar to theirs. On a little bit more intellectual levels, most curiosities were positively centered on the constituent assembly election to be held after the people’s movement. When you came back to Nepal, you said that you felt there is Switzerland within Nepal and Nepal within Switzerland. What do you mean? Towards the end of our visit we observed the hydropower stations where we saw high mountains like that of our country. There were small hillocks and ridges on our way to Berne, Zurich and Geneva, although there were mountains visible in the distance. But while going to the power stations, there were high hills, waterfalls, lakes and ponds, and everywhere things appeared exactly like that of Nepal which deeply touched and moved me, and I told the friends about my feelings. I said the same thing in the press conference in Switzerland. I had the feeling that there was Nepal in Switzerland or Switzerland was in Nepal. We have made an appeal to the whole of Europe that we can unitedly do a lot for the mankind from the constructional development to the practice of peace in Nepal. What are the main achievements of your visit to Europe? I feel that our visit remained successful in breaking away many illusions that were left in Europe about the CPN (Maoist) and the people’s war. What we actually want has been positively communicated to the people. In this sense I feel that it became really very important. Secondly, we went to Switzerland first, from which we delivered a message to whole Europe and the whole world. I did not choose any group or any country of the world powers. We delivered a message how we can learn to develop our nation from a country of the same geographical structure, and also how peace can be prospered in Nepal. It was a strong answer to those who have called us terrorists. Internationally that is a big achievement. Was there any confusion about the Maoists? We came to know that there were confusions about us. Some people thought that we don’t want the constituent assembly, but our visit became successful in clearing the confusions. Moreover, Oslo where comrade Baburam Bhattarai visited was the place where many prominent leaders of the world had gathered, and the visit to Oslo remained very helpful to clear away all the illusions, and clarify the real situations. On the whole I feel that it was a very good interference in Europe. see more

GENERAL PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA

The Communist Party of China is the vanguard both of the Chinese working class and of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. It is the core of leadership for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and represents the development trend of China's advanced productive forces, the orientation of China's advanced culture and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the Chinese people. The realization of communism is the highest ideal and ultimate goal of the Party. The Communist Party of China takes Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents as its guide to action. Marxism-Leninism brings to light the laws governing the development of the history of human society. Its basic tenets are correct and have tremendous vitality. The highest ideal of communism pursued by the Chinese Communists can be realized only when the socialist society is fully developed and highly advanced. The development and improvement of the socialist system is a long historical process. So long as the Chinese Communists uphold the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism and follow the road suited to China's specific conditions and chosen by the Chinese people of their own accord, the socialist cause in China will be crowned with final victory. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, created Mao Zedong Thought by integrating the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. Mao Zedong Thought is Marxism-Leninism applied and developed in China; it consists of a body of theoretical principles concerning the revolution and construction in China and a summary of experience therein, both of which have been proved correct by practice; and it represents the crystallized, collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China. Under the guidance of Mao Zedong Thought, the Communist Party of China led the people of all ethnic groups in the country in their prolonged revolutionary struggle against imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, winning victory in the new-democratic revolution and founding the People's Republic of China, a people's democratic dictatorship. After the founding of the People's Republic, it led them in carrying out socialist transformation successfully, completing the transition from New Democracy to socialism, establishing the basic system of socialism and developing socialism economically, politically and culturally. After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Party Central Committee, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as their chief representative, analyzed their experience, both positive and negative, gained since the founding of the People's Republic, emancipated their minds, sought truth from facts, shifted the focus of the work of the whole Party onto economic development and carried out reform and opening to the outside world, ushering in a new era of development in the cause of socialism, gradually formulating the line, principles and policies concerning the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics and expounding the basic questions concerning the building, consolidation and development of socialism in China, and thus creating Deng Xiaoping Theory. Deng Xiaoping Theory is the outcome of the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of contemporary China and the features of the times, a continuation and development of Mao Zedong Thought under new historical conditions; it represents a new stage of development of Marxism in China, it is Marxism of contemporary China and it is the crystallized, collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China. It is guiding the socialist modernization of China from victory to victory. After the Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Party Central Committee and in the practice of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Jiang Zemin as their chief representative, acquired a deeper understanding of what socialism is, how to build it and what kind of party to build and how to build it, accumulated new valuable experience in running the Party and state and formed the important thought of Three Represents. The important thought of Three Represents is a continuation and development of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory; it reflects new requirements for the work of the Party and state arising from the developments and changes in China and other parts of the world today; it serves as a powerful theoretical weapon for strengthening and improving Party building and for promoting self-improvement and development of socialism in China; and it is the crystallized, collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China. It is a guiding ideology that the Party must uphold for a long time to come. Persistent implementation of the Three Represents is the foundation for building the Party, the cornerstone for its governance and the source of its strength. Since the Sixteenth National Congress, the Central Committee of the Party has followed the guidance of Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents and, by pooling the wisdom of the whole Party to meet new requirements of development, formulated the Scientific Outlook on Development, which puts people first and calls for comprehensive, balanced and sustainable development. The outlook is a scientific theory that is in the same line as Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents and keeps up with the times. It is an important guiding principle for China's economic and social development and a major strategic thought that must be upheld and applied in developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. The fundamental reason behind all of China's achievements and progress since the reform and opening up policy was introduced is, in the final analysis, that the Party has blazed a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and established a system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics. All Party members must cherish the path and the system that the Party explored and created after going through all the hardships, keep to the path and uphold the system for a long time to come and constantly develop them. They must hold high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics and strive to fulfill the three historical tasks of advancing the modernization drive, achieving national reunification, and safeguarding world peace and promoting common development. China is in the primary stage of socialism and will remain so for a long time to come. This is a historical stage which cannot be skipped in socialist modernization in China which is backward economically and culturally. It will last for over a hundred years. In socialist construction the Party must proceed from China's specific conditions and take the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. At the present stage, the principal contradiction in Chinese society is one between the ever-growing material and cultural needs of the people and the low level of production. Owing to both domestic circumstances and foreign influences, class struggle will continue to exist within a certain scope for a long time and may possibly grow acute under certain conditions, but it is no longer the principal contradiction. In building socialism, the basic task is to further release and develop the productive forces and achieve socialist modernization step by step by carrying out reform in those aspects and links of the production relations and the superstructure that do not conform to the development of the productive forces. The Party must uphold and improve the basic economic system, with public ownership playing a dominant role and different economic sectors developing side by side, as well as the system of distribution under which distribution according to work is dominant and a variety of modes of distribution coexist, encourage some areas and some people to become rich first, gradually eliminate poverty, achieve common prosperity, continuously meet the people's ever-growing material and cultural needs on the basis of the growth of production and social wealth and promote people's all-round development. Development is the Party's top priority in governing and rejuvenating the country. The general starting point and criterion for judging all the Party's work should be how it benefits development of the productive forces in China's socialist society, adds to the overall strength of socialist China and improves the people's living standards. The Party must respect work, knowledge, talent and creation and ensure that development is for the people, by the people and with the people sharing in its fruits. The beginning of the new century marks China's entry into the new stage of development of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and accelerating socialist modernization. The Party must promote all-round economic, political, cultural and social development in accordance with the overall arrangements for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The strategic objectives of economic and social development at this new stage in the new century are to consolidate and develop the relatively comfortable life initially attained, bring China into a moderately prosperous society of a higher level to the benefit of well over one billion people by the time of the Party's centenary and bring the per capita GDP up to the level of moderately developed countries and realize modernization in the main by the time of the centenary of the People's Republic of China. The basic line of the Communist Party of China in the primary stage of socialism is to lead the people of all ethnic groups in a concerted, self-reliant and pioneering effort to turn China into a prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious modern socialist country by making economic development the central task while upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and the reform and opening up policy. In leading the cause of socialism, the Communist Party of China must persist in taking economic development as the central task, making all other work subordinate to and serve this central task. The Party must lose no time in speeding up development, implement the strategy of rejuvenating the country through science and education, the strategy of strengthening the nation with trained personnel and the strategy of sustainable development, and give full play to the role of science and technology as the primary productive force. The Party must take advantage of the advancement of science and technology to improve the quality of workers and promote sound and rapid development of the national economy. The Four Cardinal Principles to keep to the socialist road and to uphold the people's democratic dictatorship, leadership by the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought are the foundation on which to build the country. Throughout the course of socialist modernization the Party must adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles and combat bourgeois liberalization. Reform and opening up are the path to a stronger China. The Party must carry out fundamental reform of the economic structure that hampers the development of the productive forces, and keep to and improve the socialist market economy; it must also carry out corresponding political restructuring and reform in other fields. The Party must adhere to the basic state policy of opening up and assimilate and exploit the achievements of all other cultures. It must be bold in making explorations and breaking new ground in reform and opening up, make its reform decisions more scientific, better coordinate its reform measures and blaze new trails in practice. The Communist Party of China leads the people in developing the socialist market economy. It unwaveringly consolidates and develops the public sector of the economy and unswervingly encourages, supports and guides the development of the non-public sector. It gives play to the basic role of market forces in allocating resources and works to set up a sound system of macroeconomic regulation. The Party works to balance urban and rural development, development among regions, economic and social development, relations between man and nature, and domestic development and opening to the outside world, adjust the economic structure, and transform the pattern of economic development. It is dedicated to building a new socialist countryside, taking a new path of industrialization with Chinese characteristics, and making China an innovative country and a resource-conserving, environment-friendly society. The Communist Party of China leads the people in promoting socialist democracy. It integrates its leadership, the position of the people as masters of the country, and the rule of law, takes the path of political development under socialism with Chinese characteristics, expands socialist democracy, improves the socialist legal system, builds a socialist country under the rule of law, consolidates the people's democratic dictatorship, and builds socialist political civilization. It upholds and improves the system of people's congresses, the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under its leadership, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and the system of self-governance at the primary level of society. It takes effective measures to protect the people's right to manage state and social affairs as well as economic and cultural programs. It respects and safeguards human rights. It encourages the free airing of views and works to establish sound systems and procedures of democratic election, decision-making, administration and oversight. It strengthens state legislation and law enforcement so as to bring all work of the state under the rule of law. The Communist Party of China leads the people in developing an advanced socialist culture. It promotes socialist cultural and ethical progress, combines the rule of law and the rule of virtue in running the country and works to raise the ideological and moral standards and scientific and educational levels of the entire nation so as to provide a powerful ideological guarantee, motivation and intellectual support for reform, opening up and socialist modernization. It adheres to Marxism as its guiding ideology, fosters the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, promotes patriotism-centered national spirit and the spirit of the times centering on reform and innovation and advocates the socialist maxims of honor and disgrace. It works to enhance the people's sense of national dignity, self-confidence and self-reliance, resist corrosion by decadent capitalist and feudal ideas and wipe out all social evils so that the people will have high ideals, moral integrity, a good education and a strong sense of discipline. It also needs to imbue its members with the lofty ideal of communism. The Party strives to develop educational, scientific and cultural programs, carry forward the fine traditional culture of the Chinese nation, and develop a thriving socialist culture. The Communist Party of China leads the people in building a harmonious socialist society. In accordance with the general requirements for democracy and the rule of law, equity and justice, honesty and fraternity, vigor and vitality, stability and order, and harmony between man and nature and the principle of all the people building and sharing a harmonious socialist society, the Party focuses its efforts on improving people's lives by solving the most specific problems of the utmost and immediate concern to the people and strives to create a situation in which all people do their best, find their proper places in society and live together in harmony. The Party strictly distinguishes between the two different types of contradictions those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people and works to handle them correctly. It will strengthen comprehensive measures to maintain law and order, and resolutely combat criminal activities that endanger national security and interests, social stability and economic development and bring criminals to justice in accordance with the law, so as to maintain lasting social stability. The Communist Party of China persists in its leadership over the People's Liberation Army and other armed forces of the people, builds up the strength of the People's Liberation Army, ensures that it accomplishes its historical missions at this new stage in the new century, and gives full play to its role in consolidating national defense, defending the motherland and participating in the socialist modernization drive. The Communist Party of China upholds and promotes socialist ethnic relations based on equality, solidarity, mutual assistance and harmony, actively trains and promotes cadres from among ethnic minorities, helps ethnic minorities and ethnic autonomous areas with their economic, cultural and social development, and ensures that all ethnic groups work together for common prosperity and development. The Party strives to fully implement its basic principle for its work related to religious affairs, and rallies religious believers in making contributions to economic and social development. The Communist Party of China rallies all workers, farmers and intellectuals, and all the democratic parties, personages without party affiliation and the patriotic forces of all ethnic groups in China in further expanding and fortifying the broadest possible patriotic united front embracing all socialist workers, all builders of the cause of socialism and all patriots who support socialism or who support the reunification of the motherland. The Party will constantly strengthen the unity of all the Chinese people, including the compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao special administrative regions and in Taiwan as well as overseas Chinese. It will promote long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong and Macao and complete the great cause of reunifying the motherland in conformity with the principle of "one country, two systems." The Communist Party of China adheres to an independent foreign policy of peace, follows the path of peaceful development and a win-win strategy of opening up, takes both the domestic and international situations into consideration, and vigorously develops relations with other countries in order to bring about a favorable international environment for China's reform, opening up and modernization. In international affairs, it safeguards China's independence and sovereignty, opposes hegemonism and power politics, defends world peace, promotes human progress, and pushes for the building of a harmonious world of lasting peace and common prosperity. It develops relations between China and other countries on the basis of the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual nonaggression, noninterference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. It strives for the constant development of good-neighborly relations between China and the surrounding countries and for the strengthening of the unity and cooperation between China and other developing countries. The Communist Party of China develops relations with communist parties and other political parties in other countries in accordance with the principles of independence, complete equality, mutual respect and noninterference in each other's internal affairs. In order to lead the people of all ethnic groups in China in attaining the great goal of socialist modernization, the Communist Party of China must adhere to its basic line, strengthen its governance capability and vanguard nature, and comprehensively carry forward the great new undertaking to build itself in a spirit of reform and innovation. The Party must steadfastly build itself for public interests, exercise governance for the people, practice self-discipline, be strict with its members, and carry forward its fine traditions and style of work. It must constantly improve its art of leadership and governance, raise its ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration and withstand risks, constantly strengthen its class foundation, expand its mass base and enhance its creativity, cohesion and combat effectiveness, so that it will stand forever in the forefront of the times and make itself a strong nucleus that can lead all the Chinese people in the unceasing march along the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In building itself, the Party must be determined to meet the following four essential requirements: First, adhering to the Party's basic line. The whole Party must achieve unity in thinking and in action with Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of Three Represents and the Party's basic line, thoroughly apply the Scientific Outlook on Development and persevere in doing so for a long time to come. The Party must integrate the reform and opening up policy with the Four Cardinal Principles, carry out its basic line in all fields of endeavor, implement in an all-round way its basic program for the primary stage of socialism and combat all "Left" and Right erroneous tendencies, maintaining vigilance against Right tendencies, primarily against "Left" tendencies. The Party must intensify the building of leading bodies at all levels, selecting and promoting cadres who have scored outstanding achievements in their public service and have won the trust of the masses in reform, opening up and the modernization drive, and train and cultivate millions upon millions of successors to the cause of socialism, thus ensuring organizationally the implementation of the Party's basic theory, line, program and experience. Second, persevering in emancipating the mind, seeking truth from facts and keeping up with the times. The Party's ideological line is to proceed from reality in handling all matters, to integrate theory with practice, to seek truth from facts, and to verify and develop the truth through practice. All Party members must adhere to this ideological line, promote the truth-seeking and pragmatic spirit, explore new ways, boldly experiment with new methods, go in for innovation, work creatively, constantly study new situations, review new experience and solve new problems, enrich and develop Marxism in practice, and advance the endeavor to adapt Marxism to Chinese conditions. Third, persevering in serving the people wholeheartedly. The Party has no special interests of its own apart from the interests of the working class and the broadest masses of the people. At all times the Party gives top priority to the interests of the people, shares weal and woe with them, maintains the closest possible ties with them, and persists in exercising power for them, showing concern for them and working for their interests, and it does not allow any member to become divorced from the masses or place himself or herself above them. The Party follows the mass line in its work, doing everything for the masses, relying on them in every task, carrying out the principle of "from the masses, to the masses," and translating its correct views into action by the masses of their own accord. The biggest political advantage of the Party lies in its close ties with the masses while the biggest potential danger for it as a ruling party comes from its divorce from them. The Party's style of work and its maintenance of ties with the masses of the people are a matter of vital importance to the Party. The Party will establish a sound system for punishing and preventing corruption by fighting it in a comprehensive way, addressing both its symptoms and root cause and combining punishment with prevention, with the emphasis on prevention. The Party will persistently oppose corruption and step up efforts to improve its style of work and uphold integrity. Fourth, upholding democratic centralism. Democratic centralism is a combination of centralism on the basis of democracy and democracy under centralized guidance. It is the fundamental organizational principle of the Party and is also the mass line applied in the Party's political activities. The Party must fully expand intra-Party democracy, safeguard the democratic rights of its members, and give play to the initiative and creativity of Party organizations at all levels as well as its members. Correct centralism must be practiced so as to ensure the solidarity, unity and concerted action in the whole Party and prompt and effective implementation of its decisions. The sense of organization and discipline must be strengthened, and all members are equal before Party discipline. Oversight of leading Party organs and of Party members holding leading positions must be strengthened and the system of intra-Party oversight constantly improved. In its internal political activities, the Party conducts criticism and self-criticism in the correct way, waging ideological struggles over matters of principle, upholding truth and rectifying mistakes. Diligent efforts must be made to create a political situation in which there are both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness. Leadership by the Party means mainly political, ideological and organizational leadership. The Party must meet the requirements of reform, opening up and socialist modernization, persist in scientific, democratic and law-based governance, and strengthen and improve its leadership. Acting on the principle that the Party commands the overall situation and coordinates the efforts of all quarters, the Party must play the role as the core of leadership among all other organizations at the corresponding levels. It must concentrate on leading economic development, organize and coordinate all forces in a concerted effort to focus on economic development and promote all-round economic and social development. The Party must practice democratic and scientific decision-making; formulate and implement the correct line, principles and policies; do its organizational, publicity and educational work well and make sure that all Party members play an exemplary and vanguard role. The Party must conduct its activities within the framework of the Constitution and laws of the country. It must see to it that the legislative, judicial and administrative organs of the state and the economic, cultural and people's organizations work with initiative and independent responsibility and in unison. The Party must strengthen its leadership over trade unions, the Communist Youth League, women's federations and other mass organizations, and give full scope to their roles. The Party must adapt itself to the march of events and changing circumstances, improving its system and style of leadership and raising its governance capability. Party members must work in close cooperation with non-Party persons in the common endeavor to build socialism with Chinese characteristics.